The 0.7% qoq GDP
contraction reported yesterday by Britain's Office of National
Statistics (ONS) is hard to believe, and the presentation of the accounts are unhelpfully opaque, so very hard to analyse beyond the
bullet-points given. But if true, there are
two big problems coming Britain's way over the next year.
- First, the surprising resilience of UK labour markets is explicable – but there's no reason to expect it to survive much longer.
- Second, unlike what we see in other economies (US and China for example) the contraction in GDP cannot be ascribed to the private sector ratcheting up its private sector savings surplus in response to the unfolding Eurozone catastrophe. In this powerful sense, Britain's recession hasn't even started yet. Even if it has.
So if the UK's
preliminary GDP data is roughly accurate, we should be very worried
by them, because the structure of growth suggests there's plenty of
potential for things to get worse, not better, in the medium term.
But before any analysis, we need to pause to register some serious caveats about these estimates. Two problems should be immediately acknowledged. First, the way this data is presented by the ONS is about as opaque as any outside China. Economists are presented merely with a number of bullet-points breaking down growth estimates by very broad industry groups, and a few movements of chain-weighted indexes. Good for a powerpoint presentation, high on media-impact, but effectively useless for anyone trying to dig into the data.
The second problem
throws more light on the first: recent GDP estimates have been hard
to square with other data which is available. For example, if one
tracks momentum of domestic demand by looking at employment, retail
sales and vehicle sales, you simply don't see a picture of a
deepening recession.
Similarly, someone needs to explain the massive difference between what the construction industry is telling Markit's pollsters, and what it is telling the Office of National Statistics. One or the other is grievously wrong – and I don't know which.
More generally, Britain
presents a major problem of : 'if they can't measure it, I can't
forecast it'. Outside the M25, Britain's economy is characterised by
an unusually high degree of globally-operating service businesses,
run by an army of individual entrepreneurs usually unwilling to
tangle with the regulatory nightmare of European labour laws. How do
you observe their economic output? I live in a North Yorkshire
village which to all outward appearances depends on farming and
tourism, but where a surprisingly high proportion of my neighbours,
like me, trade with the world and live and die by the internet. Can
the ONS really count the number of films made, the foreign surgeons
trained, the fashions planned, the long-distance management of farms
in Argentina and Ethiopia – all work which goes on in our sleepy
backwater? Even in theory, that's hard. In practice, I doubt it's
possible.
The opacity of
presentation, the divergence from other data, and the improbable
difficulty of the task – none of this necessarily means the 2Q GDP
estimate is 'wronger than usual'. But the caveats should not be
ignored when trying to work out what's likely to happen next in the
British economy.
For now, though, the
caveats are over. For the rest of this piece, I shall take the data
at face value. Doing so uncovers two potentially serious threats
which we can expect will intensify the cyclical downturn from here:
the first is to do with labour markets; the second is to do with
savings behaviour and domestic demand.
Threat One – Labour
Markets
The fact that labour
markets have been relatively buoyant throughout this depression has
baffled many. Between the onset of the current phase of recession
(back in June 2011, apparently) and May, Britain's employed workforce
has risen by 89k, and on current trends this will have risen to 150k
by June. May's data shows a growth in employment of 75k over a year;
370k over two years; 356k over three years; and 197k over the
pre-crisis May 2007. Britain's economy may be dying, but you wouldn't
know it from the employment data.
This becomes less
mysterious if you grapple with what's been happening to real labour
productivity. I attempt this by deflating real GDP output per worker
by movements in the amount of capital per worker. (As usual, I
estimate a country's capital stock by depreciating all gross fixed
capital formation over a 10 year period). The cyclical pattern which
emerges is hardly surprising: the underlying trend since at least
1998 is for real output per worker to drop about 2% a year. The
financial crisis initially led to a drop of over 8% on this measure –
a typical cyclical event. During 2010 and 2011 as capital formation
slowed sharply, and the initial layoffs were made, the picture
changed, with this measure of real labour productivity rising around
2% in 2010, and about 1% in 2011. As the chart below shows, what was
happening was simply that labour productivity was catching up some of
the ground lost in 2009. As that improvement occurred, it made sense
that labour markets would recover.
The problem is that the
gains of the last three years have now returned productivity to its
trend-level. No further gains in productivity (relative to trend) are
being made, it seems. If so, it's not clear why we should expect the
relatively buoyant labour market conditions to be maintained.
Threat Two : Savings
Behaviour
The second problem is
over something that hasn't happened: unlike in the US and China,
whatever is driving the renewed recession, it is not the result of
the private sector taking fright at the future and so scaling up
their savings surpluses at the expense of current consumption and
investment. Indeed, so far as one can tell (from the trends in
Britain's public finances and current account balance) during the
last year Britain's private sector savings surplus (PSSS) has fallen
from around 5.4% of GDP to around 2.5% (on a 12m basis). The
crucial thing to bear in mind is that a retreat in the PSSS
represents a rise in the proportion of income/profits spend on
consumption/investment – in other words, it is a boost to domestic
demand over and above the current rate of income/profit growth.
The threat,
is now that this ratio will start rising again, pushed by either an
intensified recession, or renewed alarm about developments in the
Eurozone. This, after all, is what is happening in major economies
elsewhere in the world (China, Japan, US). I can see no reason not to
expect it in Britain. If so, the fact that the ratio continued to
fall quite sharply during 1H12 means that the whiplash impact on
domestic demand in Britain during the coming year is likely to be
sharper than expected, and sharper than that developing elsewhere in
the world. In short, based on private savings behaviour. . . . the
recession hasn't started yet. Even if it has.
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